Corrupt politicians are nothing new

Dr. Ken Bridges Arkansas History Minute

Corruption seeps into political systems, sometimes in broad daylight and sometimes by stealth. The effect is always devastating, and the stain is always difficult to remove. One of the most notoriously corrupt Arkansas politicians was former Hot Springs Mayor Leo McLaughlin.

For nearly two decades, he had a stranglehold on Hot Springs and allowed mafia kingpins from Al Capone to Lucky Luciano to waltz through the city unhampered, making the resort city a paradise for the most notorious gangsters of the day.

However, McLaughlin’s hold on Garland County politics and his casual relationship with mafia elements in Hot Springs would not last. The corruption led to an epic political showdown that shook Arkansas politics in the 1940s.

Leo Patrick McLaughlin was a Hot Springs native, born in the city in 1888. From his youth, he was an outgoing and charming character.

He was president of his senior class and a popular member of the football team before he graduated Hot Springs High School in 1908.

From there, he worked his way up the political ladder quickly.

He was elected state representative in 1910 and elected city attorney in 1911. His stint as city attorney was briefly interrupted by his army service during World War I. Along the way, he collected favors and built influence, creating an organization that crept deeply into Garland County politics. In 1926, he was elected mayor at the height of Prohibition.

Hot Springs long had a reputation as a resort

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city, and many mafia figures from Chicago and New York were spending their winters there and enjoying the spring baths, hunting, fishing, and all the vices they could find.

Mafia figures became a well-known presence in the city and flourished under McLaughlin, who welcomed them with open arms. Eventually, the colorful mayor even dressed up like some of the mafia leaders and rode down the streets in a wagon pulled by his horses, Scotch and Soda.

In 1919, horse racing had been banned throughout Arkansas as the war on alcohol and other vices reached its peak in the state. With the encouragement of mafia figures, McLaughlin had racing (and the gambling that went along with it) reopened just for Hot Springs in 1934. In the meantime, he continued to practice law, and his practice thrived even more as he now had a hand-picked judge presiding over the cases and loyal voters manning the jury box.

But behind his cheery demeanor, McLaughlin was brutal toward his opponents. Bribes flew, and tax dollars went missing. He routinely shut down businesses for supposed violation of city codes, had people fired from their jobs, and even had the police or campaign workers threaten them or their families.

People were angry at the corruption but felt powerless to combat it. The answer came from a group of veterans returning from World War II. The leader of what became called the “GI Revolt,” Sidney S. Mc-Math, had grown up in Hot Springs and seen the emergence of the McLaughlin machine and seen the growing relationship between city hall and organized crime. McMath started his law career in the city in 1937. During World War II, McMath served as an officer in the Marines, rising through the ranks from first lieutenant to lieutenant colonel and was decorated for his bravery in combat, including the horrific battle at Bougainville in the South Pacific. After serving additional time at Marine headquarters in Washington, DC, McMath returned to Hot Springs in 1946.

McMath was tired of the corruption in the city and was determined to finally get rid of it. Using his wartime heroism, he appealed to other returning veterans and recruited others to run against the corrupt McLaughlin machine.

McMath himself filed for the Eighth District Prosecuting Attorney, which included both Garland and Montgomery counties. He found just enough support outside Hot Springs that he managed to defeat the McLaughlin-backed candidate and quickly worked to build a case against local corruption.

McLaughlin and his allies tried to pad the election rolls, bribing individuals to impersonate voters, with the full cooperation of voting judges. This was enough to allow his candidates to win in Garland County against the returning veterans. He had voter registrars pad poll tax receipts (as it was state law to pay to register to vote until it was made unconstitutional in 1964) in bulk and then send paid individuals to deposit the fake votes, along with the fake names, at the voting locations. McMath took the case to federal court where a judge threw out hundreds of fake voter registrations, declaring that McLaughlin had undermined Arkansas election law. This was the first bitter defeat for McLaughlin in court, and it was the beginning of the end for him. The defeated GI candidates from the primary now ran again as independents in the fall election and swept the McLaughlin machine out of power.

Once sworn in the following January, McMath convened a grand jury against McLaughlin. He was charged with bribery, violation of state voting laws, and misappropriation of funds. The case created a sensation across the state.

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However, McLaughlin was never convicted. Nevertheless, in the firestorm surrounding him and his administration, McLaughlin retired. He still tried to keep an active interest in local politics, but the spell he cast over Hot Springs was forever broken. Shortly afterward, the city attorney was also convicted on a bribery charge.

McLaughlin died in Hot Springs after a lengthy illness in 1958. In the end, the GI Revolt showed that not even the most powerful politician must ultimately answer to the voters and to the law.

Dr. Ken Bridges is a Professor of History at South rkansas Community College in El Dorado. His columns appear in more than 85 newspapers across the state. Contact kim at kbridges@ sau. edu.